The SAVE Act’s threat to third-party voter registration efforts is one of its many dangers that has received less attention.
Congress is currently considering the Safeguard American Voter Eligibility (SAVE) Act, an ill-conceived and dangerous voter suppression bill. Its supporters are falsely promoting it as a bill about immigration and election integrity. In fact, the SAVE Act would make it harder for millions of eligible American citizens to vote in multiple ways. The SAVE Act’s threat to third-party voter registration efforts is one of its many dangers that has received less attention. Yet the harms of ending third-party registration – particularly for Black and brown voters, younger voters, voters with less formal education, low-income voters, and voters who are naturalized citizens – cannot be overstated.
The SAVE Act would require all eligible voters to provide documentary proof of citizenship (DPOC), like a passport or birth certificate, in person to register and re-register to vote. The Brennan Center for Justice estimates based on survey data that over 20 million American citizens do not have these documents readily on hand and could thus easily be disenfranchised under the bill. In addition, the SAVE Act would upend popular methods of voter registration like online voter registration, registration by mail, automatic voter registration, and third-party voter registration drives, because the bill requires DPOC to be provided in person to an election or other approved government official.
Critically, the SAVE Act’s DPOC requirements will seriously undercut the ability of non-governmental organizations to assist people in registering to vote. Currently, in many states these organizations hold large-scale, nonpartisan community drives where voters can fill out voter registration forms. Staff members then drop off the completed forms at the proper election office, ensuring that those voters are registered for the upcoming election cycle. If the SAVE Act passes, third-party registration organizations will no longer be able to offer these services – instead, each registrant will have to arrive in person at their local election office with DPOC in hand to register.
Third-party voter registration efforts are especially important for voters of color, who are historically nearly twice as likely to register to vote through a drive as compared to white voters.
Third-party voter registration efforts are especially important for voters of color, who are historically nearly twice as likely to register to vote through a drive as compared to white voters. Third-party registration drives are particularly successful because they are community-initiated and involve direct personal contact and encouragement. They are simple, convenient, and accessible. For these same reasons, those who use this method are also more likely to actually make it to the polls, compared to those who register another way.
Community voter registration drives have historically helped millions of eligible people, and particularly Black and brown people, register to vote. Notably, Census Bureau survey data tells us that in the 2022 election cycle, nearly 10.5 million people nationwide registered to vote via a “registration drive” or via third-party efforts at “school[s], hospital[s], or campus[es].” These registrations accounted for 6.5 percent of all voter registrations across the country.
A closer look at Census Bureau survey data reveals that in 2022, “registration drive” registrations were higher among Black and brown voters, voters with less formal education, low-income voters, and voters who are naturalized citizens. Notably, Black, Hispanic (Latino), and Asian voters all used registration drives at higher rates than white people (note that the Census Bureau did not provide these data for Native American voters). Black voters registered to vote at voter registration drives at nearly twice the rate of white voters.
Along that vein, voters with less than a high school diploma registered via voter registration drives at nearly twice the rate of those with a bachelor’s degree or higher. Registration drive registrations were also, for the most part, higher among households with an income of $39,999 or less, as compared to those with incomes of $40,000 or more. And 4 percent of voters who were naturalized citizens registered via voter registration drives, compared to 2.8 percent of native-born citizen voters.
Similarly, “school, hospital, or campus” registrations were higher among Black and brown voters, young voters, voters with less formal education, and voters who are naturalized citizens. As with registration drives, Black, Hispanic (Latino), and Asian voters registered to vote at a school, hospital, or campus at higher rates than white people (and again, data was not provided for Native American voters). Black people registered to vote via registration drives at nearly twice the rate of white people.
Strikingly, voters aged 18-24 registered at a school, hospital, or campus at a rate of at least 2.5 times the rates of voters in groups aged 25 and up. And 4.2 percent of voters with less than a high school diploma registered at a school, hospital, or campus, compared to 3 percent of those with a bachelor’s degree or higher. Finally, 4.1 percent of naturalized citizen voters registered at a school, hospital, or campus, compared to 3.6 percent of native-born citizen voters.
The SAVE Act adds nothing to the integrity of our elections and only makes it harder for millions of eligible voters to access the ballot. The bill’s in-person DPOC requirements will disproportionately affect Black and brown voters, younger voters, voters with less formal education, low-income voters, and voters who are naturalized citizens, all of whom rely on third-party registration efforts at higher rates. This voter suppression bill must not pass.
Download the full PDF to view a summary of the data for this analysis
